In boxing, there’s an illegal move called hitting “below the belt.” In many instances, the shot is intentional and rarely accidental. The objective of the violation is to weaken a strong opponent. In high school, I was accidentally kicked below the belly. Within the next few seconds, my knees weakened, I dropped to the ground because I could not stand.
Below-the-belt shots employed by politicians against their would-be opponents in the coming midterm elections in May is never too early. Last week, a fellow correspondent forwarded a news item that talked about a non-government organization that claims to be an anti-corruption group.
My first impression of the NGO is that it is no different from the other anti-corruption bodies that make their presence felt especially at the start of an election season. Such groups are shifty, their actions are inconsistent, and they take advantage of the ability to become visible and invisible, depending on who their subject target is.
Such anti-corruption organizations plan their timing. They come out of the blue when the opportunity to move is favorable to them. In short, they are scheming. So they calculate every step they do, making sure that they do not trip or fall, otherwise their hidden objective will be exposed.
Most of the personalities they hit are incumbent politicians or government officials who are planning to run for elective positions. I have yet to see an inactive politician being sued for graft. The so-called anti-corruption bodies do not go around choosing their subjects.
With hundreds of graft and corruption issues lying around in all levels of government, it is unlikely that an anti-graft NGO can file a good number of cases in court because it cannot choose. Otherwise, it could be accused of being selective. If it is selective, there is an ulterior motive.
Therefore, the information about who to sue in court or expose in the news is spoon-fed to them by someone. The spoon feeder could be an opponent who has the moolah to spend. The NGO anti-corruption body certainly has its financiers. It is hard to believe that the organization finances its own.
The NGO makes it appear in public that it is known all over and that it has branches worldwide. It paints a picture of goodness and respectfulness. Its followers praise their founder and prime mover, but the body does not reveal its organizational chart. Those in the lower ranks hide their identities and move stealthily for fear of exposing their connections or financiers.
This time, an NGO called Task Force Kasanag released an accusation directed against Benguet Vice governor Ericson Felipe claiming that the latter had committed violations of the provisions on conflict of interest and the improper influencing of government officials.
As I was saying, with hundreds of allegations of corruption being committed left and right by personnel of the DPWH and the other government agencies in all regions in the country, an unknown NGO nit-picks the vice governor after he announced his intention to run for Benguet congressman, a position that has become most controversial lately.
The complaint alleged that Felipe, who owns a 60 percent stake in Tagel Corporation worth P300 million, used his position to secure a substantial number of government contracts. The accusation is a fishing expedition since it is publicly known that he has been engaged in the construction business for more than a decade even before he entered politics.
Furthermore, the projects mentioned in the complaint are all located in Apayao and none of them are found in Benguet. On the other hand, the filing of the case could be a blessing in disguise as this could spill a can of worms if all wannabes would also publicly declare their business interests for purposes of full disclosure and transparency.
By the way, in an online news post by fellow newsman Jarius Bondoc, he said there were 438 rock netting projects from 2017-2023 costing P46.61 billion. It was broken down to 2017-P1.05 B; 2018-P2.53B; 2019-P1.5B; 2020-P4.85B; 2021-P11.29B; 2022-P16.63B; 2023-P8.76B.
He said, the contractors are politicos and suppliers rolled into one. Some 40 per cent goes to kickback, 10 percent for the contractor who is none other than the politico, and 10 percent for the supplier who is one and the same person as the politico and contractor.
With Jarius’ computation, plus and minus P500,000 a day; that lucky salamabits gets P182M a year from rock netting alone. That was the reason why a lawyer with the DILG said no politician can beat the guy when it came to giving doleouts and replying to solicitations because he had stashed at least two shiploads of cash. He can buy his way to congress.
Now, it is really surprising that the projects of the vice governor in far-flung Apayao caught the attention of the anti-graft NGO from Manila when there are more glaring and unexplained green rock nets that can be seen hanging on almost all slopes above the highways in Benguet. Obviously, somebody tipped off VG Felipe to the NGO. TFK should check Bondoc’s post.
If the NGO has balls, it should take the challenge of VG Felipe to check on the business interests of the other politicians running for various local and national positions so that the public becomes aware of the activities of their favorite bets.
Who knows, they might uncover smugglers, fake Filipinos, money launderers and narco-politicians in their quest for accountability. Before I forget, it may also check the price for the multibillion cat’s eyes installed on the middle and both sides of the roads in the Cordillera.
I admit to have grown old as a news correspondent to local and national newspapers and, as such, I found out about ugly things. Thus, I am offering unsolicited advice to TFK that if it is indeed committed to its claim to safeguarding the public from corruption, it should start scrutinizing the green rock net curtains that have been falling one by one from the mountain slopes above the highways in Benguet.